CSJ Legal Brief | United States v. Lil Durk: The Witnesses, the Million-Dollar Allegation and the Evidence Behind the Acquittal

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Chicago Street Journal | Urban Culture & Affairs | Courts & Criminal Justice

Case: United States v. Durk Banks, et al.
Court: U.S. District Court for the Central District of California
Case No.: 2:24-cr-00621-MWF
Presiding Judge: U.S. District Judge Michael W. Fitzgerald
Verdict: September 11, 2026

Question Presented

How did federal prosecutors build a murder-for-hire prosecution around cooperating insiders, travel, money, electronic communications and other evidence and still fail to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Chicago rapper Durk “Lil Durk” Banks participated in the charged murder-for-hire conspiracy?

And underneath that question is another:

What did the government’s evidence actually prove, as opposed to what witnesses and prosecutors said that evidence meant?

That distinction is at the center of this case.

Short Answer

On September 11, 2026, a federal jury acquitted Durk Banks on all charges arising from the government’s prosecution of an alleged 2022 murder-for-hire plot targeting rapper Tyquian “Quando Rondo” Bowman.

Banks’s co-defendants Deandre “DeDe” Wilson and David “Browneyez” Lindsey were also acquitted of the murder-for-hire allegations, but the jury convicted Wilson and Lindsey of conspiracy to commit stalking, stalking with a dangerous weapon and stalking resulting in death. The jury deliberated for three days. (AP News)

That split verdict is significant.

The jury was willing to find criminal responsibility for portions of the underlying conduct while declining to find Banks guilty of the offenses charged against him.

The verdict does not establish that every government witness lied. It does not tell us that jurors accepted every defense argument. Nor does it establish that Banks knew nothing about the events surrounding the shooting.

It establishes something narrower and legally critical:

Federal prosecutors did not prove Banks guilty of the charged offenses beyond a reasonable doubt.

Understanding why requires looking past the headline and examining the structure of the government’s case.

I. STATEMENT OF FACTS

From King Von’s Death to the Los Angeles Shooting

The government’s case originated in the aftermath of the November 2020 killing of Chicago rapper Dayvon “King Von” Bennett.

Federal prosecutors alleged that Banks sought retaliation against Quando Rondo, whose associate was involved in the Atlanta confrontation that resulted in Bennett’s death.

Nearly two years later, on August 19, 2022, gunmen attacked Bowman’s group near the Beverly Center in Los Angeles.

Bowman survived.

His cousin, Saviay’a “Lul Pab” Robinson, was killed.

Prosecutors alleged that Banks orchestrated a murder-for-hire plot targeting Bowman and that people associated with his Only The Family organization traveled to California and participated in the operation.

Banks pleaded not guilty.

His defense maintained that Banks did not order the killing and sought instead to place responsibility for organizing the attack on his former assistant, Kavon “Vonnie” Grant.

After approximately two weeks of testimony and three days of deliberations, the jury acquitted Banks. (AP News)

That chronology establishes the background.

It does not, by itself, establish who ordered the attack.

That was the disputed question the government had to prove.

II. WHAT THE GOVERNMENT HAD TO PROVE

Understanding the verdict requires understanding the actual law.

Federal murder-for-hire is governed principally by 18 U.S.C. § 1958.

The Ninth Circuit’s model criminal jury instruction identifies three fundamental elements the government must prove beyond a reasonable doubt.

First, the defendant must use, cause another person to use, or conspire to use a facility in interstate or foreign commerce or engage in the corresponding interstate travel covered by the statute.

Second, the defendant must act with the intent that murder be committed.

Third, the defendant must intend that the murder occur in exchange for something of pecuniary value. (Ninth Circuit Court)

That third requirement deserves attention.

“Murder-for-hire” doesn’t necessarily require completed payment.

Under federal law, “pecuniary value” can encompass money, commercial interests or other things whose primary significance is economic advantage. Ninth Circuit authority also recognizes that a promise of economic advantage can qualify even when the promise isn’t legally enforceable. (Ninth Circuit Court)

Therefore, the simplistic argument:

“Nobody got paid, so there couldn’t have been murder-for-hire”

……is legally incomplete.

But the opposite shortcut is equally problematic.

The government still had to establish the required connection between the murder and the alleged economic bargain.

As the Ninth Circuit instruction explains, the defendant must clearly understand that the thing of economic value would be given or received in exchange for the murderous act. (Ninth Circuit Court)

In plain English:

Where was the bargain?

Who offered what?

To whom?

What was promised?

What evidence established the agreement?

And most importantly for Banks:

What evidence proved that Banks knowingly participated in that bargain?

Those questions bring us to the government’s witnesses.

III. THE GOVERNMENT’S THEORY

Prosecutors did not present the alleged conspiracy as one isolated conversation.

They assembled a circumstantial and testimonial case.

The government pointed to relationships among Banks and members or associates of OTF; interstate travel; lodging and transportation; financial resources; electronic communications; the movements of alleged participants; and testimony from people who admitted participating in the events surrounding the attack.

Prosecutors argued that these pieces formed one picture:

Banks wanted retaliation, supplied or enabled resources, and directed people around him toward killing Quando Rondo.

One of the government’s most consequential witnesses was Banks’s former assistant, Kavon Grant.

Grant admitted participating in the August 2022 attack and testified that he did so because:

“Durk told us to.”

That is direct testimonial evidence of the government’s theory, but it still depended on jurors believing Grant. (LA Magazine)

And Grant wasn’t the government’s only insider.

IV. THE DEFENSE THEORY

Banks’s lawyers did not need to prove who actually masterminded the shooting.

The burden remained with the government.

But the defense supplied jurors with an alternative explanation.

It portrayed Grant, not Banks, as the person responsible for organizing the attack and argued that cooperating witnesses had powerful incentives to transfer responsibility upward to Banks.

The defense attacked the credibility of witnesses who admitted criminal participation and subsequently cooperated with federal prosecutors.

That created a recurring evidentiary question:

When does insider testimony become proof, and when does it remain an accusation requiring stronger independent corroboration?

The prosecution could establish that an associate traveled.

It could establish that someone rented a vehicle.

It could establish that money changed hands.

It could establish that a cellphone traveled from one location to another.

But those facts still had to be connected to Banks’s intent and agreement to commit the particular crimes charged.

The government’s case therefore depended not simply upon proving events.

It depended upon proving what those events meant.

V. THREE INSIDERS

Three cooperating witnesses became especially important to understanding the prosecution:

Kavon “Vonnie” Grant
Kacey “OTF Jam” Hester
Keith “Flacka” Jones

Their importance creates both strength and vulnerability for the government’s case.

An insider can provide information an outside witness could never know.

But cooperating witnesses may also face their own criminal exposure and potential sentencing consequences.

That doesn’t make their testimony inherently false.

It makes credibility, motive and corroboration especially important.

The jury ultimately heard the insiders’ accounts alongside the government’s independent evidence and the defense’s challenges to their credibility.

And then it acquitted Banks.

VI. THE FLACKA QUESTION: WHO IS KEITH JONES?

Keith Jones is particularly important because his position in the prosecution changed.

Jones, also known as “Flacka,” was not originally merely a witness against Banks.

He was a defendant.

He was charged in connection with the same alleged murder-for-hire scheme before later pleading guilty and becoming a government witness.

By the time of Banks’s trial, Jones was testifying for the prosecution about an operation in which he acknowledged participating. Courtroom reporting confirms that Jones testified immediately before Grant. (LA Magazine)

That history explains something that can look suspicious when documents from different stages of the prosecution are compared.

Jones can appear prominently among defendants in earlier case materials but not alongside Banks among the defendants whose guilt the September 2026 jury was deciding.

Based on the public evidence reviewed for this brief, that does not establish that Jones was secretly erased or “wiped” from the federal case.

His procedural status changed.

Defendant → guilty pleader → cooperating government witness.

That distinction is important enough that Chicago Street Journal is treating Jones’s plea and cooperation history as a separate reporting question rather than assuming what happened from changing document captions alone.

VII. THE $1 MILLION ALLEGATION

One allegation has traveled particularly far outside the courtroom:

Lil Durk allegedly placed a $1 million bounty on Quando Rondo.

But journalism requires us to ask:

Who actually heard what?

Jones’s testimony, as reported from the courtroom, was not simply that Banks personally approached Jones and offered him $1 million.

Reporting on the testimony describes Jones saying that Deandre “DeDe” Wilson told him Banks was offering $1 million for Quando Rondo’s killing. (XXL Mag)

The evidentiary chain being described is not simply:

Banks → Jones

It is:

Banks allegedly → Wilson allegedly → Jones.

Therefore, saying:

“Flacka testified that Durk personally offered him $1 million”

would overstate what Jones reportedly testified to.

The more precise formulation is:

Jones testified that Wilson told him Banks had offered a $1 million bounty.

Precision isn’t semantics here.

It’s evidence.

VIII. THE PAYMENT PROBLEM

Jones also testified about what happened after the attack.

According to courtroom reporting, Jones said he repeatedly sought compensation but Banks never paid him for his participation in the attempted attack. (XXL Mag)

Again, that does not automatically defeat a § 1958 prosecution.

Federal murder-for-hire law can encompass a promise or agreement involving economic value even if the promised benefit isn’t ultimately delivered. (Ninth Circuit Court)

But it creates an obvious evidentiary question:

If this was murder-for-hire, what evidence establishes the hire?

The prosecution didn’t necessarily need a canceled check marked “Quando hit.”

Criminal conspiracies rarely arrive gift-wrapped.

But prosecutors still needed evidence from which jurors could find the required economic agreement beyond a reasonable doubt, and Banks’s participation in it.

That makes the absence of a completed payment only part of the story.

The larger issue is whether the testimony, communications, money and other evidence sufficiently established the bargain itself.

IX. WHAT WAS CORROBORATED?

This may be the most important question in the entire case.

Strip away conclusions for a moment.

The government had evidence capable of establishing significant surrounding events and relationships.

It also had participants willing to tell jurors what they said those events meant.

But those are two different categories of evidence.

Suppose independent records establish that Person A flew from Chicago to Los Angeles.

That proves travel.

Suppose financial records establish that Person B paid for a hotel.

That proves a financial transaction.

Suppose cellphone data places Person C near a particular location.

That can establish location.

But none of those facts automatically answers:

Who ordered a murder?

The prosecution’s cooperators supplied crucial connective tissue.

Grant supplied perhaps the most direct version when he testified:

“Durk told us to.” (LA Magazine)

The defense consequently had an obvious strategic target:

the credibility of the people supplying the connection between Banks and the crime.

That’s why this case cannot be understood merely by counting how many pieces of evidence prosecutors introduced.

The better question is:

Which pieces independently established Banks’s criminal intent, and which pieces acquired their incriminating meaning primarily through a cooperating witness’s interpretation?

That question deserves a document-by-document examination.

X. THE VERDICT

On September 11, the jury returned its answer to the charges.

Banks was acquitted on all counts.

Wilson and Lindsey were acquitted of the murder-for-hire-related charges but convicted of conspiracy to commit stalking, stalking with a dangerous weapon and stalking resulting in death. (AP News)

The split verdict is worth studying.

Jurors were plainly capable of convicting defendants before them.

They did.

But they did not convict Banks.

That does not permit us to reverse-engineer the jury room and declare exactly which witness jurors believed or disbelieved.

A general verdict doesn’t provide that information.

What we can say is:

After hearing the government’s evidence and the defense’s challenges, the jury concluded that prosecutors had not proven Banks guilty of the charged offenses beyond a reasonable doubt.

Anything more specific requires evidence of the jurors’ reasoning that we presently do not have.

XI. WHAT THE VERDICT DOES NOT MEAN

This matters because criminal verdicts routinely get flattened on social media.

Not guilty does not mean “the jury proved he was innocent.”

The defendant doesn’t carry the burden of proving innocence.

The government carries the burden of proving guilt.

Likewise, the acquittal does not establish:

that every cooperator lied;

that every government allegation was fabricated;

that nothing criminal happened;

that everyone surrounding Banks was innocent.

In fact, the same jury convicted Wilson and Lindsey on stalking-related offenses. (AP News)

The legally accurate conclusion is considerably simpler:

The government did not prove its charges against Banks beyond a reasonable doubt.

XII. THE QUESTION AFTER THE ACQUITTAL

The verdict leaves us with a better journalistic question than:

“Did Durk do it?”

The question is:

Where did the government’s evidentiary bridge fail?

Was it cooperating-witness credibility?

Was it insufficient independent evidence establishing who gave the alleged order?

Was the million-dollar allegation too dependent upon communications passed through other people?

Did the financial evidence establish spending without sufficiently establishing a murder-for-hire bargain?

Could prosecutors establish the actions of the participants without proving Banks knowingly joined their criminal agreement?

Did jurors accept some government evidence but reject the inference prosecutors wanted them to draw from it?

Or did several of these problems converge?

The verdict itself doesn’t tell us.

The record might.

XIII. HIP-HOP ON TRIAL

There is another story underneath United States v. Banks.

It concerns what happens when hip-hop culture enters a federal courtroom.

Relationships become evidence.

Lyrics can become evidence.

Slang becomes something lawyers ask jurors to interpret.

Record-label and entourage finances can become potential evidence.

Travel becomes evidence.

Social-media posts become evidence.

The actions of employees, friends and associates can become evidence offered against an artist alleged to occupy a leadership position.

None of those categories is automatically legitimate or illegitimate evidence.

The journalistic responsibility is to distinguish between:

what the evidence objectively establishes

and

the interpretation prosecutors or defense attorneys ask a jury to place upon it.

That’s particularly important when jurors may not share the cultural vocabulary of the people whose communications they’re evaluating.

A lyric can have meaning.

A slang term can have meaning.

An artist paying an associate’s expenses can have meaning.

But determining what those things prove in a criminal prosecution requires considerably more than recognizing that they sound suspicious.

There is a difference between cultural interpretation and legal proof.

This case sits directly at that intersection.

XIV. LEGAL TERMS IN PLAIN ENGLISH

Indictment

A formal criminal accusation returned by a grand jury. An indictment states what prosecutors allege. It is not evidence that the allegations are true.

Superseding Indictment

A replacement indictment. Prosecutors may use one to add, remove or modify defendants, charges or factual allegations.

Defendant

A person formally accused of a crime in the case.

Co-defendant

Another person charged in the same prosecution or related proceeding.

Cooperating Witness / Cooperator

Someone who provides information or testimony to prosecutors. Cooperators are sometimes themselves charged with crimes and may hope their assistance will be considered when they’re sentenced.

Cooperation does not automatically make testimony true or false.

Plea Agreement

An agreement under which a defendant agrees to plead guilty under specified terms. Some plea agreements also contain cooperation obligations.

Conspiracy

In general terms, an agreement between people to commit a criminal offense.

A defendant doesn’t necessarily have to personally perform every act of the underlying crime to face conspiracy liability. But mere friendship or association with someone who commits a crime isn’t itself enough to establish participation in a conspiracy.

Murder-for-Hire | 18 U.S.C. § 1958

The federal offense at the center of this prosecution.

Under the Ninth Circuit model instruction, prosecutors must establish the required interstate-commerce component, intent that murder be committed, and intent that the murder occur in exchange for something of pecuniary value. (Ninth Circuit Court)

Pecuniary Value

Something primarily carrying economic value or advantage.

That can include money, commercial interests and other economically valuable benefits. (Ninth Circuit Court)

Quid Pro Quo

Literally, “something for something.”

In the murder-for-hire context, the important concept is an exchange: the economic benefit is connected to the requested murder rather than being unrelated generosity or ordinary financial activity.

Direct Evidence

Evidence that directly addresses a fact if believed.

Grant’s testimony that “Durk told us to,” for example, directly alleges an instruction. (LA Magazine)

Whether a jury believes the witness is a separate question.

Circumstantial Evidence

Evidence from which another fact can reasonably be inferred.

Travel records, location data and financial transactions can all be circumstantial evidence.

Circumstantial evidence is not automatically inferior to direct evidence.

Corroboration

Independent evidence supporting another piece of evidence or a witness’s account.

If a cooperator says a defendant gave an order, an independently authenticated message expressing that same order could potentially corroborate the testimony.

Hearsay

Generally, an out-of-court statement offered to prove the truth of what it asserts.

But “hearsay” does not automatically mean inadmissible. Federal evidence law contains numerous exclusions and exceptions, including rules that can apply to statements made during and in furtherance of a conspiracy.

Impeachment

Evidence or questioning used to challenge a witness’s credibility.

Prior inconsistent statements, certain biases, motives and other credibility issues can become subjects of impeachment.

Cross-Examination

Questioning of a witness by the opposing side.

Cross-examination allows lawyers to challenge what the witness remembers, whether accounts have changed and whether the witness has motives affecting credibility.

Beyond a Reasonable Doubt

The government’s burden of proof in a criminal prosecution.

The government must establish every required element of an offense beyond a reasonable doubt.

The defendant does not have to prove innocence.

Acquittal / Not Guilty

A verdict finding that the government did not prove the defendant guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.

It is therefore incorrect to automatically translate an acquittal into a factual finding about everything that did or did not happen.

Split Verdict

A verdict in which jurors reach different conclusions on different defendants or charges.

That’s what happened here: Banks was acquitted, while Wilson and Lindsey were acquitted of murder-for-hire-related allegations but convicted of stalking-related offenses. (AP News)

Severance

The separation of defendants or charges into different trials.

Banks remains in federal custody following this acquittal because he faces a separate trial currently scheduled for October 5 involving murder-related racketeering and weapons allegations. Those remain allegations, and Banks remains presumed innocent of them unless proven guilty. (MarketScreener)

XV. WHAT COMES NEXT

The September 11 acquittal closes one chapter of Banks’s federal prosecution.

It does not end the broader federal case.

Banks remains in custody and, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office information reported following the verdict, faces another trial scheduled for October 5 on separate murder-related racketeering and weapons charges. (MarketScreener)

For Chicago Street Journal, however, the work on this first trial isn’t finished.

The next phase is the record.

We are examining:

the indictments;

Keith Jones’s plea and transition from defendant to cooperating witness;

the cooperation agreements;

trial and evidentiary briefs;

jury instructions;

the alleged $1 million bounty;

financial records and alleged payments;

travel and lodging evidence;

cellphone and electronic evidence;

witness testimony and impeachment;

and the evidence that independently corroborated, or failed to corroborate, the government’s cooperators.

The objective isn’t to retry Durk Banks in the press.

It is to understand how one of the most consequential federal prosecutions involving a Chicago hip-hop artist was constructed, and why that prosecution did not produce a conviction against him.

Because an allegation isn’t evidence.

Evidence isn’t automatically proof.

And evidence itself can be undisputed while its meaning remains fiercely contested.

The jury has delivered its verdict.

Now we’re going into the documents.

PRIMARY LAW & SOURCE RECORD

U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit – Model Criminal Jury Instruction 16.7, Murder for Hire (18 U.S.C. § 1958). Defines the elements prosecutors must establish and explains “pecuniary value.” (Ninth Circuit Court)

Associated Press – September 11, 2026. Contemporary verdict reporting confirming Banks’s acquittal, the three-day deliberation and Wilson and Lindsey’s stalking convictions. (AP News)

Reuters – September 11, 2026. Independent verdict reporting and confirmation that Banks remains detained pending the separately scheduled October prosecution. (MarketScreener)

Los Angeles Times – September 11, 2026. Courtroom reporting describing the competing prosecution and defense theories and the verdict. (Los Angeles Times)

Los Angeles Magazine – August 31, 2026. Courtroom reporting documenting Kavon Grant’s testimony concerning his participation and his allegation that Banks directed the group. (LA Magazine)

XXL – August 31, 2026. Courtroom reporting concerning Keith Jones’s testimony about the alleged bounty and his claimed attempts to obtain payment. Because these details presently rely on secondary courtroom reporting rather than a certified transcript in this brief, they are attributed accordingly. (XXL Mag)

Editorial Note

This brief distinguishes allegations, witness testimony, attorney arguments and established outcomes. Statements attributed to cooperating witnesses are their testimony, not independent findings by Chicago Street Journal. The September 11 verdict establishes that Banks was acquitted of the charges tried before this jury; it does not independently resolve every disputed factual question raised during the prosecution.

Banks remains in federal custody pending a separate federal trial currently scheduled for October 5, 2026, involving severed murder-related racketeering and weapons charges. Those allegations were not decided by the September jury, and Banks remains presumed innocent of them unless and until the government proves them beyond a reasonable doubt.

Chicago Street Journal will continue reviewing the court record and following developments in the upcoming prosecution.

Robbins Festival Brought the Community Out, But Did It Bring the Community In?

Community, Culture News, Economics, Political Perspectives

DEVELOPING STORY | Sept. 7, 2026

I went to Robbins to support 137 Mike Mike. I left wondering why so much of the community appeared to be celebrating outside the gates of its own festival.

I came to support. Not post-and-go support, the real kind. Getting dressed, getting in the car, paying admission, and being physically present. That’s how I show up for people who are building something.

So on September 6th, 2026, I traveled to Robbins with a press associate to catch 137 Mike Mike perform at the Village’s Annual Festival & Parade Weekend.

But what I observed that afternoon raised questions I couldn’t leave alone.

Why Does the Community’s Festival and Parade Cost the Community $20?

The 2026 Village of Robbins Annual Festival & Parade Weekend ran September 4-6. The three-day event featured national, Chicago-area, and local entertainment, DJs, vendors, family activities, and the annual parade. Adult general admission was $20 per day. Children 17 and under could attend for free with a ticketed adult.

Let me be clear: charging for a festival isn’t inherently wrong. Stages, sound, security, sanitation, and artist fees all cost money. But this wasn’t marketed as a privately promoted concert that happened to take place in Robbins. It was promoted as the Village of Robbins Annual Festival & Parade Weekend. That distinction matters.

I searched the publicly available ticketing information and found no advertised free or discounted admission category specifically for Robbins residents.

Instead, I found two simultaneous festivals. One was inside the gate: ticketed, organized, vendors, official. The other was outside, with residents, vendors, and neighbors creating their own experience in the spaces around the grounds. The $20 admission and the gate itself physically separated the two.

A festival designed to bring a community together had, from my vantage point, produced a divided crowd.

I don’t know how many people outside chose not to enter because of the price. I don’t know how many had already attended on another day, or simply preferred being outside. Those distinctions require responsible reporting to verify. What I can report is what I personally witnessed: Robbins was active on both sides of the gate. That raises a legitimate question about whether the festival’s financial and physical structure helped create one community celebration or divided an existing one.

The economic-development question surrounding the festival exists against a broader challenge for Robbins. According to the Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning’s June 2026 Community Data Snapshot, businesses in Robbins generated about $15.9 million in total retail sales in 2025, or $3,484 per resident. By comparison, retail sales per capita were $23,200 across Cook County. Robbins also has only 13.6 acres classified as commercial land, representing 1.5% of the Village’s total land area.

Then There Were the $15 Wings

We have to talk about the chicken. As many of my subscribers and close friends know, I love Harold’s Chicken.

Harold’s Chicken was vending outside the festival grounds. Four wings for $15 ($12 plus fees and taxes when paying by card). Lemonade was $10 and took nearly 40 minutes to arrive.

Festival pricing is never a surprise in Chicago. But when you’re not even inside the festival and you’re paying more than most residents would spend on a full meal, that’s its own statement about who these economics are actually serving.

The Deeper Question: Where Did the Money Come From?

The question isn’t simply why they charged. The deeper question is:

How was this festival financed, and what did Robbins residents receive from the investment?

This is where the story moves from commentary into reporting. The Village of Robbins organized and promoted the annual festival. But that fact alone doesn’t establish where every dollar came from. The event could have been financed through Village funds, sponsorships, grants, vendor fees, ticket revenue, or some combination of these.

Rather than speculate, Chicago Street Journal is seeking the records.

We are requesting information about the festival’s total budget, Village expenditures, sponsorship revenue, grants, vendor fees, ticket revenue, attendance, contracts, and the ultimate allocation of festival-generated revenue. We’re also asking why the $20 admission price was selected, and whether Robbins residents received, or were considered for, any special admission benefit.

Those answers matter. There is a meaningful difference between a festival primarily financed through private sponsorships and ticket sales and one substantially subsidized through public resources. If public money funded a significant portion of this event, then the question of who benefited and who didn’t becomes a public accountability question.

There are models worth considering. Residents could receive discounted admission. Sponsors could underwrite resident tickets. Daytime community programming could remain free while evening concerts are ticketed. The Village could offer residents wristbands. These aren’t demands; they’re examples of the kinds of structures that allow community access and event revenue to coexist.

Who Was On Stage

The 2026 Robbins Festival featured a full weekend of live entertainment. On the performance side: Keke Wyatt, Danny Boy, Shawnna, El Hitta, and Sean Mac all took the stage. The steppers scene was represented through Club Steppin’, adding a Chicago cultural staple to the weekend’s programming.

Holding down the DJ sets were DJ Pharris, DJ Sundance, DJ K Caesar, DJ Twenzino, and DJ SYIAH. Power 92 RAW Radio, hosted by Seandale, also had a presence at the festival, bringing the station’s audience into the weekend’s energy.

I Actually Came for 137 Mike Mike

None of this overshadows why I went to Robbins that day. I went to support 137 Mike Mike at the festival, alongside my press associate, Street Certified News.

And I’m glad I went. Community festivals do something larger-ticketed events often can’t: they give local artists a stage in front of the people they’re already building with. Nationally recognized performers sell tickets and draw attention, but local artists are often the ones creating culture in these communities every single day, especially when they’re from the community themselves, like 137 Mike Mike. They’re building audiences one person at a time, making music without major-label budgets, and turning local talent into something that lasts.

I’m currently speaking with 137 Mike Mike about his story, what the “137” represents, his relationship to Robbins and Chicago culture, his experience performing at the festival, and what he’s working toward next. That piece is coming.

What We’re Asking the Village

Chicago Street Journal is seeking answers from Village leadership about who produced the 2026 festival, how much it cost, what portion was supported by public resources, why adult admission was set at $20, whether residents received any admission benefit, how vendors were selected and charged, how much revenue the event generated, and where that revenue goes.

We are also seeking the underlying financial and administrative records through the Illinois Freedom of Information Act.

There may be perfectly reasonable answers. There may also be things worth changing before next year. Either way, Robbins residents deserve the information necessary to make that determination for themselves.

Mayor Darren Bryant has responded to CSJ’s inquiry and will be speaking with us on the record by phone. That’s why this story isn’t finished.

It’s developing. And we’ll follow the money and the answers wherever they lead.

Editor’s Note: This is a developing report based in part on the author’s firsthand observations at the Village of Robbins Annual Festival & Parade Weekend on Sept. 6, 2026. Chicago Street Journal is seeking comment from Village officials and public records concerning festival financing, operations, admission and revenue. Additional reporting, including comments from artist 137 Mike Mike and the Village of Robbins, will be incorporated as it becomes available.

Have information about the 2026 Robbins Festival? Chicago Street Journal welcomes documentation, photographs, receipts, vendor experiences and firsthand accounts from Robbins residents, attendees and participating businesses. Information submitted by sources will be independently evaluated before publication.

Participants inside the gates of the Festival.

Deputy Convicted in Sonya Massey Killing Dies in Prison

Community, Culture News, Political Perspectives

SPRINGFIELD, Ill. — The former Illinois sheriff’s deputy convicted of killing Sonya Massey inside her own home has died while in state custody, his attorney confirmed Sunday, closing out the criminal case in a killing that reshaped policing rules across Illinois.

Sean Grayson, 32, died Aug. 23, attorney Daniel Fultz said, without providing further details. Grayson had stage 4 colon cancer that had spread to his liver and lungs, and he was serving a 20-year sentence for second-degree murder at the time of his death.

His death came about three weeks after the Illinois Prisoner Review Board unanimously rejected his request for early medical release, despite his argument that he was nearing total medical incapacitation.

Grayson shot and killed Massey, 36, inside her Springfield-area home on July 6, 2024, after she called 911 to report a possible prowler outside. Body camera video later showed Grayson and another deputy entering her home, where Massey went to the stove to remove a pot of boiling water. As she held it, she told Grayson she rebuked him “in the name of Jesus.” Grayson drew his weapon and threatened to shoot her in the face, then fired three times as she ducked behind her kitchen counter, apologizing. One round struck her in the face, and she died within hours.

The Sangamon County Sheriff’s Office fired Grayson once the footage came to light. He had moved through several small Illinois police departments before joining the county, some of which had flagged concerns about his judgment. A jury convicted him of second-degree murder in October 2025, down from the original first-degree murder charge, and a judge handed down the maximum 20-year sentence in January 2026, plus two years of mandatory supervised release.

The case triggered protests across the state and drew a civil rights investigation from the U.S. Department of Justice, which later reached an agreement with the sheriff’s office requiring new training and a mobile crisis-response unit for mental health calls. Illinois lawmakers also passed the Sonya Massey Act, which requires police departments to review an applicant’s full work history before hiring them.

In the weeks before Grayson’s death, Massey’s family testified against his release request, arguing his diagnosis didn’t erase the danger he’d shown he was capable of. Sangamon County’s top prosecutor made a similar case to the review board. After news of Grayson’s death broke, relatives said it allowed them to finally begin grieving, since the ongoing legal proceedings had left little room to do so. The family’s attorneys said Massey’s killing was unjustified and that Grayson’s death doesn’t change that loss. A state senator who backed the post-shooting reforms said the community’s continuing push for policy change has offered the family some comfort.

Grayson’s death closes the criminal case, but the reforms his actions triggered look likely to be the more lasting mark on Illinois policing, a legacy shaped less by what happened to him than by what his actions cost Sonya Massey’s family and community.

Sources:

Beyond the Outbreak: What a Foodborne Parasite Reveals About the Systems We Rarely See

Health and Wellness, Scholarly Works

The headlines are alarming: a growing outbreak of cyclosporiasis, an intestinal illness caused by the parasite Cyclospora cayetanensis, has sickened hundreds of people across the Midwest and prompted investigations by state and federal health officials. While the source of the contamination remains under investigation, the outbreak raises a larger question that extends beyond one contaminated food item.

What if the bigger story isn’t what made people sick but the system that allowed it to happen?

That question sits at the center of what I call The Systems Lens, an approach that looks beyond headlines to examine the infrastructure, policies, and processes shaping our everyday lives.

What happened?

According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Cyclospora is a microscopic parasite that spreads through food or water contaminated with human fecal matter. Unlike many stomach viruses, it is not typically transmitted directly from person to person because the parasite requires time in the environment to become infectious. Fresh produce has historically been associated with outbreaks because many fruits and vegetables are consumed raw and receive minimal processing before reaching consumers.

Health officials are continuing to investigate the current outbreak, and, as of publication, they have not identified a single confirmed food source responsible for every reported illness.

Why did it happen?

That is where the conversation often stops. News reports understandably focus on identifying the contaminated product. Public health investigators work to trace illnesses back through farms, distributors, and retailers. Those efforts are essential.

But there is another question worth asking.

How does human fecal contamination reach fresh produce in the first place?

The answer is rarely simple.

Contamination can occur through improperly treated irrigation water, sewage entering agricultural water supplies, contaminated wash water used during processing, flooding events, or inadequate sanitation infrastructure for agricultural workers. Each represents a different point where a safeguard intended to protect the food supply may have failed. None of these scenarios automatically means individuals are defecating in crop fields. More often, they reflect failures in water management, sanitation systems, or food-processing infrastructure.

Why should people care?

Food safety is not created at the grocery store. By the time lettuce, herbs, or berries reach your shopping cart, they have traveled through an interconnected system involving water management, agriculture, transportation, food processing, regulation, and retail distribution.

Every step depends on the one before it.

When one layer of protection fails, another is supposed to prevent contamination from reaching consumers. A widespread outbreak suggests that multiple safeguards may have broken down somewhere along the chain, even if investigators have not yet determined exactly where.

This isn’t about assigning blame to a particular farmer, company, or country. It’s about recognizing that public health depends on resilient systems, not perfect people.

What questions should we be asking next?

Instead of asking only, “What food made people sick?” we should also ask:

How is irrigation water monitored before it reaches crops?
How often are agricultural water systems tested for contamination?
What safeguards exist to prevent wastewater from entering irrigation supplies?
How transparent are food supply chains when outbreaks occur?
What investments in water and sanitation infrastructure could reduce future outbreaks?

These questions shift the conversation from reacting to the latest headline to preventing the next one and building a community.

Looking through the Systems Lens

Every major outbreak tells two stories. The first is about illness. The second is about infrastructure.

While scientists work to identify the immediate source of contamination, the public has an opportunity to think more broadly about the systems that produce, transport, and regulate the food we eat every day. Understanding those systems doesn’t make us fearful; it makes us informed. And informed communities are better equipped to ask better questions, demand greater transparency, and support stronger public health protections.

Sometimes the most important story isn’t the outbreak itself.

It’s the system the outbreak exposes.

Want to learn more about systems thinking?

This article uses what I call The Systems Lens, looking beyond individual events to understand the structures, incentives, and relationships that shape them. If you’re curious about the broader field of systems thinking, I recommend starting with The Donella Meadows Project’s “A Visual Approach to Leverage Points.” It’s one of the clearest introductions to seeing problems as interconnected systems rather than isolated events. Helping everyday people understand a complex subject.

Illinois to Require ‘Bell-to-Bell’ Cellphone Restrictions in Schools Starting 2027

Culture News, Political Perspectives

SPRINGFIELD, Ill. – Illinois schools will soon be required to limit students’ cellphone use from the start of the school day until dismissal under legislation lawmakers sent to Gov. JB Pritzker’s desk this year.

Senate Bill 2427 directs every public school board and charter school to adopt a “wireless communication device” policy by the start of the 2027-28 school year. At minimum, the policy must bar students from using phones, tablets, laptops, gaming devices and smart watches throughout the school day, including instructional time, lunch and passing periods, according to bill records maintained by the Illinois General Assembly. High schools have some flexibility to allow device use during lunch or between classes; elementary and middle schools do not.

The measure passed the Senate 55-2 and the House 102-3 before lawmakers adjourned their spring session June 1. Pritzker, who proposed the policy during his State of the State address, is expected to sign it.

“Every parent and educator knows the damage that unchecked screen time and social media can do to our children and how disruptive they can be in school,” Pritzker said in a statement after the bill’s passage.

The law carves out several exceptions. Students may use devices during emergencies, when a licensed physician, physician assistant or nurse practitioner determines a device is medically necessary, to fulfill an individualized education program, or if needed to access learning materials as an English language learner. Schools are barred from enforcing the policy through fines, fees, suspensions, expulsions or by involving school resource officers or police.

State Sen. Cristina Castro, D-Elgin, the bill’s lead Senate sponsor, said the goal is to help students refocus on schoolwork. “Teachers and students should be able to collaborate effectively without distractions standing in the way,” Castro said, according to a news release cited by NBC Chicago. In an interview with NPR Illinois, Castro said several teachers in her district had urged her to pursue the legislation.

The policy mirrors bans already adopted locally by some Illinois districts, including Elgin School District U-46 and Hinsdale Township High School District 86, according to NBC Chicago. Illinois joins a large majority of states that have adopted some form of statewide restriction on phones in schools, according to Illinois Policy, a nonprofit research organization; Indiana is among neighboring states with a similar law.

Supporters point to research suggesting phone restrictions can help classroom focus. NBC Chicago reported the governor’s office cited Pew Research Center survey data showing roughly three in four high school teachers consider phone-related distraction a major problem. NPR Illinois cited Rutgers University research finding that students in classes permitting phone use scored worse on final exams than peers in phone-free classes.

Not everyone welcomed the change. The Chicago Teachers Union has argued the policy could cut off a way for students to reach family during emergencies, including immigration enforcement actions, and that managing devices already falls to teachers as part of daily classroom routines, Illinois Policy reported. Supporters counter that the bill’s emergency exception is intended to cover those situations.

Educators who already restrict phones say enforcement remains a work in progress. Ashley Kolovitz, director of digital learning and innovation at Lake Forest Academy, a private school not covered by the new law but with its own device policy, told NPR Illinois that students often reach for phones out of habit. “Sometimes, I have to stop and collect them at the start of class if it keeps happening,” Kolovitz said.

Under the law, the Illinois State Board of Education must publish a model wireless device policy for districts by Sept. 1, and school boards must review their policies at least every three years.

Sources:

Illinois General Assembly, Bill Status of SB2427 – ilga.gov
Capitol News Illinois, “Cell-phone ban, loosening foreign language requirements among education bills to pass” (June 2, 2026)
NPR Illinois, “School cellphone ban is designed to help students focus” (July 7, 2026)
NBC Chicago, “Illinois legislature approves school cellphone ban, governor says he’ll sign” (May 31, 2026)
Illinois Policy, “Pritzker gets his school cell phone ban bill despite CTU opposition” (June 18, 2026)
Featured Image Credit: Akinyemi Gbadamosi

Fat Money a “Wolf” in These Streets: A Review of CincoDeMoney Wolf, Part 1

Community, Culture News, Economics, Entertainment, Hip Hop, Culture, and Political Tricks, Lifestyle, Market Watch, Personal Perspectives, What's Good?

Chicago-Ty Money, better known as Fat Money, returns with new music: 13 tracks in his signature style for this year’s CincoDeMoney installment, Wolf, Part 1.

This project is one I anticipate annually. Not just out of loyalty , but because the series consistently reflects authenticity and growth. Each year feels like a continuation, not a repetition.

Money still slaps the same way he did the first time I pressed play years ago. And I still spin the older records too. That consistency matters.

Beyond affiliation, because yes, this is family, the work stands on its own. The quality is there. The storytelling is structured. The themes are grounded in everyday Chicagoland life. There’s intention in the sequencing and delivery that many artists today struggle to maintain.

It’s narrative and a vibe.

The project was mixed by Rio Mac and Fat Money, with features from Rio Mac and Kris Lofton, adding texture without disrupting the tone.

Favorite Tracks

In no particular order:

Nunyaa
Dust Off
Easter Sunday
Purest Form
Dorthy
Miami Calling My Name
IDFWY
Honorable Mention:
Wolf of Y’all Street

A personal highlight for me is the recurring nod to my family’s restaurant legacy.

My uncle, Chuck “Woo Woo’s” Higgins, built something lasting from Washington Heights (99th & Halsted) to Lynwood, Calumet City, Dolton, Chicago Heights, and now:

1721 E. Sauk Trail in Sauk Village.

When artistry intersects with legacy, it hits different.

Wolf, Part 1 feels like a reminder: evolution doesn’t mean abandoning your roots. It means sharpening them.

Ta’Rhonda Jones explores identity and transformation in the upcoming project “Breaking Character.”

Businessology, Community, Culture News, Economics, Entertainment, Hip Hop, Culture, and Political Tricks, Lifestyle, Market Watch, What's Good?

CHICAGO — Actress and recording artist Ta’Rhonda Jones is expanding her creative work into music with Breaking Character, a project centered on identity, perception and personal transformation.

The project includes tracks such as “Favor on My Soul” and “Villain,” which explore contrasting emotional perspectives, one rooted in alignment and affirmation, the other in perception and misunderstanding.

“Breaking character is really about stepping outside of what people expect from you,” Jones said. “It’s personal.”

Jones, known for her role as Porsha Taylor on the television series Empire, is using music to expand her storytelling beyond the screen.

“I choose to be present. I choose to be 100% me,” she said. “No more performing. No more people pleasing. I’m no longer who society wants me to be.”

The duality presented in “Favor on My Soul” and “Villain” reflects a broader theme of balance within the project.

“I wanted to show that balance is necessary,” Jones said. “I can be both soft and firm. Soft says I understand you, and firm says I still choose what’s best for me.”

Production for “Favor on My Soul” is underway, with visuals emphasizing tone, reflection and transformation. The project’s visual direction aligns with its themes, focusing on mood-driven storytelling and emotional depth.

“There are moments where you’re misunderstood for growing,” Jones said. “That’s where ‘Villain’ comes from.”

Jones also described the creative process as liberating, noting that each phase of development has expanded her perspective.

“Every time I create, I discover new freedom,” she said. “It feels like a phoenix rising, like I’ve unlocked a new level of consciousness.”

A release date for Breaking Character has been confirmed for June 6. The project marks Jones’ continued expansion into music and visual storytelling, positioning it as a personal and creative evolution.

Follow her on IG!

Ta’Rhonda at 48th NAACP Image Awards Red Carpet

Ta’Rhonda at the 2016 Essence Festival Presented by Coca-Cola

Ta’Rhonda at The 47th NAACP Image Awards Presented by TV One, Red Carpet

Ta’Rhonda | The Broad Host West Coast Debut of “Soul of a Nation”

Journalism Is Not a Popularity Contest; it’s a Practice, not a Metric.

Culture News, Scholarly Works

In an era obsessed with metrics and influence, it’s become common to confuse visibility with legitimacy. Follower counts, likes, and algorithms are often used as shortcuts to determine credibility socially, legally, and politically. But journalism has never worked that way, and it still doesn’t.

Journalism is not defined by how many people follow you. It is defined by the practice: inquiry, documentation, discernment, and ethics.

What is journalism?

Journalism is the disciplined practice of gathering, verifying, contextualizing, and ethically presenting information in the public interest.

Notice what’s not in that definition:

Follower counts
Virality
Personal branding
Popular opinion

Journalism is a method, not a mood.

At its core, journalism requires:

Inquiry which is asking informed questions
Documentation via recording conversations, events, and facts
Verification from cross-checking information and sources
Editorial judgment by deciding what to publish, how, or whether at all
Ethics is minimizing harm, protecting sources, and exercising restraint

I don’t stop being a journalist because I chose not to publish something.
In fact, that’s often when journalism is most evident.

Conversations can happen without publication. Interviews can occur without release. Information can be verified, contextualized, and ultimately withheld. not because it didn’t happen, but because discretion mattered more than attention. That is not fabrication. That is judgment. Sometimes it’s best that way, too.

There are moments when the responsible decision is to retract, unpublish, or archive a story. Not every truth is meant to be broadcast, especially when doing so would create unnecessary harm, entangle private parties, or reduce complex human situations into a public spectacle. It’s already enough reality media with drama being produced consistently, in dominant and alternate sources, so choosing restraint is not a weakness. It’s professionalism and grace.

What makes someone a credible source?

Credibility isn’t a vibe. It’s a stack, as a matter of fact.

A credible source typically has a combination of:

1️⃣ Formal education

I have:

An Associate of Arts
A Bachelor’s degree in Communications
A Broadcasting certification

That means:

I’ve been trained in media theory, communications law, ethics, research methods, and audience analysis
I understand editorial standards, framing, and public responsibility
I was evaluated, credentialed, and graduated under institutional standards

That alone places me well within professional legitimacy.

2️⃣ Methodological competence

My portfolio shows that I:

Conduct interviews
Document narratives and cultural events
Work across written, visual, and broadcast formats
Understand PR, media relations, and editorial boundaries
Make conscious publish / retract decisions based on ethics, not pressure

That’s journalism in practice, not theory.

3️⃣ Editorial discretion

This part matters more than people realize.

A credible journalist:

Knows when not to publish
Protects third parties
Separates documentation from spectacle
Understands that truth without context can cause harm
- or sometimes the truth with context can cause harm if it’s not delivered properly

I demonstrate this by retracting stories that became too messy to responsibly release, especially if I have to support them if it comes to me in the form of an inquiry.

That is not disqualifying.
That is editorial maturity.

4️⃣ Independence

I am not operating as:

A gossip blog
A hype page
A paid mouthpiece
A fan account

I operate independently, with my own standards and boundaries.

That independence is part of credibility, even when it upsets people who want access or control (of a narrative).

What concerns me more than criticism is a growing tendency toward revisionism when mediocrity isn’t accepted, or access is denied. When boundaries are enforced, legitimacy is suddenly questioned, especially when there’s no clout chasing involved. When collaboration is no longer available, history is rewritten as if engagement never occurred at all. This tactic isn’t new; it’s ancient, and it lacks transparency.

Ethical journalism does not operate on entitlement or a false sense of content creation. Access is not owed, proximity is not permission, and past conversations do not guarantee future platforms nor do they guarantee creditable published works. When access is revoked or personal opinions are shared, it is not an invitation to discredit the work or the worker. It is simply a decision. Just like someone’s opinion.

Follower count measures:

Reach
Popularity
Algorithmic distribution

It does not measure:

Accuracy
Ethics
Training
Truthfulness
Legitimacy

By that logic:

Freelance journalists wouldn’t exist
Local reporters wouldn’t count
Investigative journalists working quietly would be “fake”
Archival researchers would be irrelevant

That argument collapses under basic scrutiny.

I stand by the work I’ve published and the work I’ve chosen not to publish or never published because I worked with some partners where we couldn’t get on the same page for some reason. All reflect the same standard. Documentation does not require exposure. Integrity does not require consensus. And credibility does not require a crowd. It all requires practice, earned and non-paid creditable work, which in most industries is considered as paying dues for your credits.

Some stories are resolved privately because that is where they belong. Not on the internet or circulating around people who can’t help you resolve the situation or tell the story. Some records are archived because restraint is part of the responsibility and being ethical in your dealings. And some conversations are over not because they never happened, but because they no longer serve the public good.

Formerly Incarcerated Candidates Challenge Felon in Possession Laws

Culture News, Heritage-History, Hip Hop, Culture, and Political Tricks, Political Perspectives, What's Good?

CHICAGO — Two Illinois political candidates are challenging federal and state laws that ban people with felony records from owning firearms, arguing the policies are unconstitutional and deny due process.

Andy Williams Jr. and Tyrone Muhammad filed suit in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, with an amended complaint submitted March 7, 2024. In a Sept. 11, 2025, press release, the candidates reaffirmed their stance that blanket firearm bans for people with felony convictions violate fundamental rights.

The men say the laws treat all people with felony records as permanent threats to public safety, regardless of their rehabilitation or time since release.

Background

Williams served time for a robbery conviction and has remained law abiding since his release in 1991. He is currently running for Illinois attorney general; he’s a member of For The People, LLC, AWJ Ministries , a Painter, and a married family man.

Muhammad, who served time for murder, went on to found ECCSC (Ex-Cons for Community and Social Change) a nonprofit focused on community advocacy. He is now a candidate for the U.S. Senate.

Both men argue that their lived experiences make them uniquely positioned to highlight how existing laws disproportionately affect people who have rebuilt their lives.

Constitutional Questions

On Feb. 7, 2025, former President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 14206, directing the U.S. attorney general to protect the right to bear arms. Trump called the Second Amendment “an indispensable safeguard of security and liberty.”

Williams and Muhammad argue those protections must also apply to people who have served their sentences. They note that many formerly incarcerated people cannot afford private security and rely on their constitutional rights for protection.

Courts have also ruled that police have no constitutional duty to protect individuals:

In DeShaney v. Winnebago County Department of Social Services, 489 U.S. 189 (1989), the U.S. Supreme Court held that the state was not required to protect a child from an abusive father despite prior warnings. Read the case.

In Town of Castle Rock v. Gonzales, 545 U.S. 748 (2005), the Court found that police could not be sued for failing to enforce a restraining order that may have prevented the deaths of three children. Read the case.

“These rulings show that the government cannot guarantee personal safety,” the candidates said. “If police don’t have to protect us, then we must have the right to protect ourselves.”

The Legal Challenge

The lawsuit contests 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(1) and Illinois statute 720 ILCS 5/24-1.1(a)(e), which bar people with felony convictions from possessing firearms.

Williams and Muhammad contend the laws are unconstitutional, overly broad and discriminatory. They are calling for legislative changes or constitutional amendments that would replace categorical bans with standards based on individual circumstances.

Call to Action

“I’m calling on others to join this fight,” Williams said. “Support the lawsuit by filing a motion to intervene. Watch for upcoming town halls where we’ll talk about your rights. I’m running for attorney general. I’ll protect the rights of the people, including the formerly and currently incarcerated people and their families.”

OTF Update: Boona’s Revenge, Boonie Moe Sentencing & What’s Next After Lil Durk’s Arrest

Culture News, Entertainment, Hip Hop, Culture, and Political Tricks

CHICAGO — OTF (Only the Family) is back in the headlines, and not for music. From courtrooms to federal indictments, the crew faces some of its biggest challenges yet.

Here’s what we know.

Boona’s Alleged Role in Revenge Case

Rumors are circulating online that OTF affiliate Boona may have been involved in a revenge shooting. Posts on Reddit and Instagram claim the charges include kidnapping, home invasion and murder. Authorities have not publicly confirmed those details. (Facebook, Reddit, Instagram)

Whether the reports are true or not, the speculation alone shows how quickly OTF news spreads, and how hard it is for the crew to escape its street image and their own demons.

Boonie Moe in Court

In a confirmed case, Boonie Moe was sentenced to seven (7) to fifteen (15) years in prison in Douglas County on drug charges. He was convicted of possession with intent to distribute cocaine. (Facebook, YouTube, X/Twitter)

The sentencing sparked mixed reactions. Some say it’s another example of the system swallowing young Black men, while others point to personal responsibility. Either way, it’s another loss for OTF’s roster.

Lil Durk Facing Federal Charges

The biggest blow came last October when Lil Durk (Durk Banks) was arrested on federal murder for hire charges tied to the ambush of rapper Quando Rondo in Los Angeles. Federal prosecutors allege Durk arranged travel, vehicles and weapons for the attack, which killed Rondo’s cousin, Saviay’a Robinson. Rondo survived. (AP, Vulture, DOJ)

Durk remains in federal custody while legal experts warn the case could carry decades behind bars if he is convicted.

What’s Next for OTF

With Durk in jail, Boonie Moe sentenced and Boona facing rumors of a revenge hit, OTF stands at a crossroads. Crews in hip hop history have either folded when their leader was locked up or reinvented themselves to survive.

For Chicago’s rap scene, OTF has been more than a music group. It’s been a cultural force. The question now is whether the brand can push past the weight of court cases and controversy or if we’re witnessing the slow fade of one of drill’s most influential collectives, as drill is slowing down.